The electoral process in Afghanistan has surprised many observers.
Afghans have demonstrated unambiguously that they are ready to build
a new Afghanistan. The elections have clearly shown that, despite claims
of the international news media, the Taleban has no popular base in
the country. It was also clear that international forces, if only they
are willing to make good on their commitments, are quite capable of
countering the warlords, who, though thought to be all-powerful actors
in Afghan politics, proved to be rather timid after all.
The recently elected President and his new cabinet will face so many
problems and challenges that they will have no rest for the next five
years. Rebuilding, corruption, the warlords, development, social issues,
parliamentary elections and rebuilding national unity are just the most
urgent of dozens of similar problems. One problem that attracts western
attention more than all others is the drug issue. Studies by international
organizations show that drug production has not decreased in Afghanistan,
despite last year's widely publicized spectacles of the destruction
of mature plants. Afghan authorities continue to threaten farmers that
they will destroy their poppy fields again, but this threat is unlikely
to be more effective than those of the past.
The Afghan economy is basically anachronistic. While the country has
been hard hit by drought for several consecutive years and 25 years
of war have damaged the agricultural infrastructure, the economy of
Afghanistan is still based on agriculture. This despite the fact that
nearly three Afghans out of four are under 40 years old and are likely
to be more educated than their elders and trained in skills better suited
to a non-agricultural economy.
UN experts and Afghan politicians have proposed the development of alternative
crops in the country in order to diminish the attractiveness of opium
prices. This is certainly one side of the manifold problem of poppy
production. It is true that the same piece of land would yield three
to four times more revenue to the Afghan farmer who cultivates poppies
than to the one who produces wheat. But the farmer is at the lowest
end of the opium production process, receiving merely $300 for one kilogram
of raw opium, which will bring in many times that amount in the heroin
trade in European suburbs. Dealers on all levels make much more money.
So dealing with the problem through the angle of farmers' income is
merely the tip of an iceberg.
Would helping farmers to grow fruit instead of opium help to reduce
drug production? This is far from sure. On the one hand, drug dealers
can easily increase their purchasing price and the cycle would start
all over again. On the other hand, who can guarantee a farmer that he
will not be forced to cultivate the evil crop illegally? Is it possible
to ignore how drug lords treat farmers in Latin America?
In Afghanistan, warlords are not a by-product of opium. It is the other
way around. Warlords do not earn huge amounts of money because farmers
grow poppies; however, farmers grow poppies to provide the warlords
with the product they need to finance their fiefdoms. The global opium
supply does not seem to have significantly increased since Afghanistan
became the number one producer. In the past, poppy fields were located
elsewhere, primarily in Southeast Asia. Political instability and the
absence of a strong state in Afghanistan simply led this country to
become the best harbor for illegal activities, both drug trafficking
and terrorism.
To deal seriously with the drug issue in Afghanistan, one must have
a broad picture of the Afghan economy. As long as the anachronism of
the economical system is not dealt with, this system will produce unwanted
results. Destroying opium fields will certainly not cut drug production.
This brutal method will merely reinforce the grip of the warlords on
the poor farmers. Giving cash to people who renounce drug cultivation
is guaranteed to encourage more and more people to cultivate opium.
Alternative agriculture is likely to be challenged by criminal dealers.
Therefore, eliminating poppy fields by smashing the crop or by chemical
pollution, as intended by the US authorities, will not weaken the warlords.
However, weakening the warlords can help to diminish poppy production.
Eliminate the warlords and the farmer no longer has the incentive to
grow poppies.
Note: It is true that eliminating the warlords is likely to
reduce poppy production, providing the central Government does not take
over their role and methods. However, it is much more difficult to eliminate
the warlords than to spray poppy fields with chemicals. Political stability
and less governmental corruption are the keys to solving the problem.
But political stability will be very difficult to achieve before Karzai
and his government control armed forces strong enough to defeat the
warlords and enforce order in all parts of the country. And this may
well not happen at all.